An international immersive exhibition dedicated to the works of Van Gogh will open at Telliskivi Creative City in Tallinn on June 18.

The overwhelming majority of uncovered terrorist attacks in Ukraine were carried out by people using the Telegram messaging app, the Military Intelligence Center of Estonian Defense Forces has said.

Several important promises in the coalition agreement between the Reform Party and Eesti 200, will remain unfulfilled during this parliamentary term, the opposition said as the summer break approaches.

The Center Party officially backed President Alar Karis for a second term on Saturday but also called for direct elections where the head of state is chosen by the people, not the Riigikogu.

History teaches us that crimes left unpunished give rise to new crimes, Minister of Foreign Affairs Margus Tsahkna (Eesti 200) said on the 85th anniversary of the June deportation of Estonians to Siberia by the USSR.

A new observation tower was opened earlier this week in Meriküla, Harku Municipality, which connects the clifftop and the seaside area.

Esimesed jaanituled süüdatakse juba järgmise nädala lõpus ning jaaniööni on jäänud vähem kui kümme päeva. Ilmaprognoosid annavad tasapisi vastuseid iga-aastasele murele: kas suvine pööripäev ja aasta valgeim aeg toob kaasa päikese ja sooja või sajab nagu oavarrest?

13. juunil toimus Lohjal Aurlahtis taas eestlaste jaanituli Soomes – üritus, mis toob kokku tuttavad näod üle riigi, et koos maha pidada üks vallatu pidu. Vaata videost, milline piirideta peomeeleolu valitses Soomes.

Not all votes have been counted, but the current trend suggests 55% of participants voted against the proposal.

Marines were joined by National Crime Agency officers in the six-hour long operation in the early hours of Sunday.

Why has the American economy continued to outperform so many of its peers, despite facing the same global shocks?

The BBC breaks down how the tech mogul's fortune has grown.

In 1992, when Bill Clinton won the presidency over George H.W. Bush, the transition in power was accompanied by a wave of generational commentary. The election marked the passing of a remarkable roster of seven consecutive presidents who were born in the first quarter of the 20th century and whose early careers were shaped decisively by service in World War II. At the time, it seemed that this generation — 32 years from John F. Kennedy’s arrival to Bush’s exit — had hovered over the culture for a breathtakingly long stretch. Donald J. Trump’s birthday — he arrived at Jamaica Queens hospital in New York 80 years ago today — prompts a striking realization. The children of 1946 are on track to loom over American life for even longer. A few weeks after Trump came George W. Bush, at Connecticut’s Yale-New Haven hospital, on July 6. Then on Aug. 19, the youngest and the first to reach the presidency: Clinton, whose last name was then Blythe, was born at the Julia Chester hospital in Hope, Arkansas. So there they are: three American presidents turning 80 this summer, old men by any measure. They have starkly different styles, temperaments and goals for their country. But they are united in some important ways. All in their own way and in their time were uncommonly talented politicians. All three are also the preeminent representatives of the generation that trashed American politics. Clinton, Bush and Trump surely hold significantly different measures of culpability for the squalor of American political culture. But all three children of 1946 are central characters in a decades-long descent in which Americans have been progressively more tribalistic in their political affiliations; ever-more coarse and insulting in public discourse; more mystified by and contemptuous of those who disagree; less trusting in government and most other establishment institutions, less confident in the country’s ability to reliably and rationally govern itself or fashion a consensus around solving long-term problems, or even to agree on the most basic standards of right and wrong. Let’s distinguish this from the classic generational critique, distilled by the eye-rolling “OK, boomer” catchphrase that took off in late 2019 just before the pandemic. In fact, the massive cohort of Americans born in the decade following the end of World War II was one of extraordinary creativity and idealism. This generation was on the front lines of the racial and sexual liberation movements that transformed American life. Its music and films (Stephen Spielberg will turn 80 in December) shaped modern culture on a global scale. So too have its technology innovators (Bill Gates and Steve Jobs are both later-side boomers, from 1955) changed history as profoundly as any elected official of their times. It is in the realm of politics that the legacy is rancid. This was a generation whose politics were defined by a single question, “Which side are you on?” The argument over the answer has kept the country preoccupied for going on six decades. This generation’s penchant for a moralizing brand of politics — in which opponents are not just wrong-headed but in fundamental ways wrong-hearted, even wicked — began on college campuses in the 1960s in arguments over Vietnam and whether one looked sympathetically or contemptuously at the blossoming counterculture. Few imagined that different incarnations of these early arguments would continue into adulthood and now old age. 1990s politics were a morality play pitting Bill Clinton who won the White House promising to repeal a “decade of greed and self-seeking” in the Reagan-era 1980s, against Newt Gingrich and self-styled Republican revolutionaries, who sought to use Clinton’s sexual transgressions to drive him from office. Clinton, who in most moods tried to be a uniter, survived only by posing the divisive “which side are you on” question to advantage: Many more people were with him than Gingrich. 9/11 looked briefly like an event that would transcend political divisions and unite the country around shared conviction. Soon enough though, George W. Bush’s confrontational leadership style and decision to wage war not only in Afghanistan but Iraq meant that national security became one more subject to ask which side are you on. The combination of Bush’s wars and the 2008 financial meltdown were key prerequisites to Donald Trump’s later takeover of the GOP. Above all, it was Trump’s insight that the convergence of social media and always-on mobile technology meant that incendiary language and vicious attacks on opponents could be more than an occasional tactic. Harnessed with abandon, it could be the basis for an entire grievance-based political movement. Historically, political arguments — no matter how heated or even violent — were a means to resolving important substantive issues. Historian James G. Randall in 1940 termed the parade of failed leaders and Supreme Court justices in the 1840s and 1850s “the blundering generation,” whose alleged short-sightedness and grandstanding led to a violent Civil War. Most later historians rejected the characterization. There was no middle path or incremental remedy that was going to prevent a climactic conflict over slavery, the most important question of the country’s first century. In today’s politics, by contrast, the argument itself, and the occasion to excoriate the opposition, often is more important than the substance of the argument. This is how Republicans can rally behind Trump on Iran or tariffs or the intersection of presidential decisions with family business interests, even as his policies diverge from their own past positions and they would no doubt bitterly denounce the exact same choices from a Democratic president. This highlights several distinctive signatures of this generation’s politics42:07Lee Zeldin on rising gas prices, energy dominance and AI data centers Which leads to a second signature of the 1946 generation’s politics. They remain chronically unstable. In other chapters of American history big questions have been resolved with a new consensus. The 1930s battles over the New Deal, including the creation of Social Security, were as passionate as anything in contemporary time. By the time Dwight Eisenhower returned the White House to Republicans in the 1950s, both he and voters had moved on. Richard Nixon, likewise, didn’t want to keep arguing in the 1970s about the passage of Medicare and Medicaid under Lyndon Johnson in the 1960s. By contrast, MAGA Republicans are still up for a fight about Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act 16 years after its passage. Clinton, Bush and Obama all hoped that their presidencies would produce lasting ideological and partisan realignments. But none of them did — and each were followed by presidents of the opposite party who were dismissive of their predecessor’s records. Nor is it likely that Trump will fare differently. For all he dominates his party, his coalition has deep issue divides on national security and the role of big business, for instance, that promise to flare the moment Trump personally is gone from power. That’s the final thing to say about the 1946 babies. They have been around a very long time — and there’s a strong chance they will be around a good while longer. In 1946, the average life expectancy of U.S. presidents was 68 years. FDR, the dominant figure in American life for a dozen years — a feat Trump will soon match — had died the year before at the age of just 63. For the past half-century, starting with Gerald Ford, presidents on average have died at age 95. In one way or another, the generational cohort that vaulted the Summer of 1946 presidents will keep demanding to know “which side are you on” until the answer is “the side that is six feet underground.”

Ukraine is running out of Patriot interceptors, its power grid is heading into summer crippled and President Donald Trump is consumed by Iran. But for the first time in years, Kyiv is gaining ground. The country’s drones are cutting Russian supply lines and stretching its military and economy thin. Its forces have benefited from significant technological developments; the frontline has largely stabilized; and Kyiv has, for the first time since 2023, retaken more territory than it has lost. This has all bought Ukraine something it hasn’t had in a while: time. That could give allies a rare opening at the upcoming G7 world leaders summit to convince Trump he needs to pay attention to the conflict and press allies to fill gaps — from air defense to long-range strike weapons — before the next Russian offensive. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has sought to capitalize on this rosier picture by intensifying his diplomatic engagement with the U.S. and Europe, while publicly and privately appealing to Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss how to bring the war to a close. The pressing question now is how to increase Western support enough to get Russia to negotiate in good faith. “There’s a recognition it’s not as hot as it was before,” said a senior White House official. “There’s little skirmishes. But, it’s not like it was two years ago, or a year ago.” Trump last year lambasted Zelenskyy for not accepting a deal and accused him of overplaying his hand. But that was before Kyiv’s outlook improved. European diplomats said the G7, which starts Monday, should be a chance for Ukraine’s backers to clearly restate their support for Kyiv against Russia, including via military and financial means. “Europeans today are taking on almost 100 percent of the aid for Ukraine, but it’s still important for our G7 partners, notably the United States, to continue to do their part — or at least to not weaken their support further,” said a diplomat from a large EU country, who like others, was granted anonymity to discuss confidential summit plans. The EU has covered Ukraine’s financial needs in coming months through a €90 billion loan. But Kyiv is seeking at least €20 billion more to double down on its battlefield successes against Russia. “Everyone sees that Russia is burning, and we want it to burn even more, but we need financing to do it,” said a senior Ukrainian defense official. Global leaders, including Trump, will meet with Zelenskyy for a two-hour session in Évian-les-Bains. But whether Trump and Zelenskyy will speak one-on-one at the summit is still unclear. The White House official said no meeting is scheduled, while a Ukrainian official said something could still be arranged. A major question is the future of peace talks between Ukraine and Russia. While the U.S. has stepped back amid the Iran crisis, Ukraine’s foreign minister said ahead of the G7 that Kyiv still sees Washington leading negotiations. The difference now is that Ukraine wants European leaders to participate as well — though the question of who might represent the Europeans is the subject of heated, and inconclusive, debate. Both Kyiv and its European allies agree a joint approach to future peace talks should exclude granting territorial concessions to Moscow with no legal recognition of Russia in the Donbas disputed region. Even with Kyiv’s gains, Russia has still been able to wreak havoc on Ukraine and its infrastructure. Zelenskyy has said that Ukraine uses 60 to 70 interceptor missiles per month. That’s more than Raytheon, the system’s American manufacturer, currently produces. The Ukrainian leader is seeking U.S. authorization to manufacture Patriot interceptors domestically and has asked Germany to provide dozens of interceptors from its stockpiles in exchange for ones Kyiv produces later. “Zelenskyy has been clear that he needs more missiles,” the White House official said. The uncertainty around a peace deal with Iran only cements Washington’s distraction in the Middle East. Trump aides Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner are the chief negotiators for both the Iran and Russia-Ukraine conflicts. The pair have continued to talk to Zelenskyy and his team, including this month, but the White House doesn’t expect any immediate progress. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said last month that U.S. efforts to help broker a diplomatic solution “have stagnated.” Europeans will likely use the G7 to sell the U.S. on the benefits of sealing a drone deal with Ukraine. Kyiv floated the idea last summer, but the Trump administration balked. The president doesn’t want to be seen as giving Zelenskyy a win, said one European official who has had conversations inside the Trump administration. But Kyiv has found other willing partners. The Ukrainians have signed a slew of industrial cooperation deals with the United Kingdom, Germany and Canada to produce drones at a scale that Ukrainian industry still struggles to achieve. A group of British companies will deliver 120,000 drones to Ukraine this year under a series of deals signed over the past year. Canada entered into a similar drone agreement with Ukraine in May to build drones and ship them to the front. German defense giant Rheinmetall and multinational European missile makers have also partnered with Ukrainian companies on missile and armored vehicle programs this year. Europe has also taken tentative steps toward seeking direct contact with the Russians, including a meeting in Moscow between the ambassadors of the U.K., Germany and France with a Russian representative. But the EU is split on whether to seek a formal negotiating channel with Moscow. And it remains unclear whether Putin is willing to sit down with European leaders. Ukraine has also pressed the U.S. and its allies to ratchet up economic pressure on Moscow, but has gotten mixed results — particularly from Washington. The EU adopted its 20th Russia sanctions package in April but held back a centerpiece maritime services ban on Russian oil tankers, hoping the U.S. will back the effort at the G7, two European officials said. Washington has moved in the opposite direction. It has granted Russia sanctions relief and issued a series of 30-day oil waivers since March to stabilize markets roiled by the Iran war. At the very least, keeping Trump interested in Ukraine’s fight would be a win for Kyiv and its backers. Macron is hoping to host Trump for a private dinner at Versailles to help shore up his engagement on Ukraine and other issues important to Europe. Trump, at least for now, does not plan to go. Évian is just the first stop in a series of high-stakes diplomatic forums this summer. Poland and Ukraine are co-hosting a Ukraine recovery conference in Gdansk soon after the G7. Then comes a high-stakes NATO summit in Ankara, where Ukraine support and defense spending will figure prominently. And afterwards, Macron will convene a meeting of the so-called Coalition of the Willing, which are the countries that have pledged to provide troops and support when the war ends. Paul McLeary and Jack Detsch contributed to this report.

Sexual violence against Palestinians in Israeli custody is often framed as a post-October 7 issue. But historical record

Israel attacked Beirut again in an apparent attempt to test and derail an agreement.

Researchers also discover that the ancient vines of Chianti, famed for its red wines, produced white fruitDNA extracted from 2,000-year-old grape seeds found in ancient wells in Tuscany has enabled scientists to map the most extensive genetic history of grapevines recovered from a single site.The findings revealed that vineyards of the Roman era formed part of the empire’s sophisticated agricultural network that might have influenced the development of modern winemaking. Continue reading...

Election of new Hungarian government in April has paved way for EU member states to agree to open talks Ukraine and Moldova will take a decisive step towards joining the EU on Monday, as they embark on the first phase of membership negotiations.The start of substantive negotiations, launched by senior EU officials and ministers from both countries in Luxembourg on Monday, will be a highly symbolic moment for the two countries that were both part of the former Soviet Union. It comes after Russia has intensified its bombardment of Ukrainian towns and cities, while sustaining huge losses for little territorial gain. Continue reading...

‘Soft left’ Labour MPs backing Andy Burnham might have learned the wrong lessons from the city’s revival

Prime minister hails ‘yet another blow to Russia’ as part of effort to clamp down on those fuelling Ukraine war